“regime had handled the military threat successfully.41 But the rise of Islamism as a social force was a different story.” — Tarek Osman Copy Share Image
“to the, then, sympathetic Saudi Arabia, where many managed to build vast fortunes. Others settled in Europe, especially in Switzerland, where new… — Tarek Osman Copy Share Image
“Tawfik Al-Hakeem, one of Egypt's most renowned twentieth-century writers, described Nasser as a ‘confused Sultan” — Tarek Osman Copy Share Image
“the factor that really cemented the Brotherhood's social re-emergence, and founded the Islamic movement's social base, was its highly efficient services infrastructure.” — Tarek Osman Copy Share Image
“(Ibrahim Pasha captured and flattened the Saudis' capital of Diraiyah – now a suburb of Riyadh, arrested the Saudi emir Abdullah Ibn… — Tarek Osman Copy Share Image
“Sadat, years later, commented that Nasser did not die on 28 September 1970 but on 5 June 1967 (the day the war broke out).” — Tarek Osman Copy Share Image
“Unlike political Islamism, Arab nationalism has no major following on the Egyptian streets. Unlike liberal capitalism, it lacks the resources and the… — Tarek Osman Copy Share Image
“The Islamic movement in Egypt, from the late 1970s, managed to occupy the political space in the country that had been the… — Tarek Osman Copy Share Image
“The charm offensive was complemented by the work of a number of Islamic intellectuals with strong links to the Egyptian Islamic movement… — Tarek Osman Copy Share Image
“hiwala's expansion in the 1980s and 1990s, when hundreds of offices were set up across Egypt, was exponential. In a few years,… — Tarek Osman Copy Share Image
“Some (but not Nasser) actually ‘swore on the Koran and the sword’ (pleaded allegiance to the group). But neither the Brotherhood's political… — Tarek Osman Copy Share Image
“regime also imposed a further restriction on religious parties (and independent parliamentary candidates), namely an amendment of Articles 1 and 2 of… — Tarek Osman Copy Share Image
“Between 1991 and 1993, the militants had virtually taken complete control of Imbaba, replacing the government as the social arbiter. The situation… — Tarek Osman Copy Share Image
“In the end, the majority of Egyptians overwhelmingly approved the proposed constitutional amendments. Of the more than 18 million Egyptians who voted… — Tarek Osman Copy Share Image
“The change can be measured in the increase in the proportion of women in Egypt wearing the veil, from less than 30… — Tarek Osman Copy Share Image
“Rather, the society was wide open to popular Western culture at the very time when it was being drawn towards conservatism and… — Tarek Osman Copy Share Image
“after challenging France by arming and bankrolling the Algerian revolutionaries, he had the courage to send thousands of his troops to Yemen,… — Tarek Osman Copy Share Image
“In the 1980s and 1990s, however, thousands of Egyptians were forced conscripts and paid fighters constituting the bulk of Iraq's 200,000 reservoir… — Tarek Osman Copy Share Image
“Voice of the Arabs (Sout Al-Arab), Nasser's far-reaching radio station, became a propagandist vehicle par excellence, conveying the leader's fiery speeches to… — Tarek Osman Copy Share Image
“The Brotherhood gambled on the ‘pious wings in the movement’ (the words of Hassan Al-Tuhami, one of the closest members of the… — Tarek Osman Copy Share Image
“the Luxor attack (the latter widely reported in the West as a serious indication of a regime unable to assert its control… — Tarek Osman Copy Share Image
“But the society became characterized by a unique mix of Sunni theology and Shi'ite social traditions. Al-Azhar evolved and consolidated its unique… — Tarek Osman Copy Share Image
“The politics of the 1970s were the second factor in this social shift. In his efforts to confront the Nasserite and socialist… — Tarek Osman Copy Share Image
“vital historical fact: that Gamal Abdel Nasser signifies the only truly Egyptian developmental project in the country's history since the fall of… — Tarek Osman Copy Share Image
“Such criticism grew in the later 1970s, as the immediate post-Nasser years gave way to the period of economic opening up (al-infitah)… — Tarek Osman Copy Share Image
“The hero, the historical giant, the dream, was revealed to be a mere inept leader presiding over a failing system. He trusted… — Tarek Osman Copy Share Image
“Al-Zawahiri, the son of an upper middle-class family who had grown up in Al-Maadi, an affluent Cairene suburb, joined the Muslim Brotherhood… — Tarek Osman Copy Share Image
“Islam became the uncontested ‘last resort’. The fall of loyalties and ideologies, the lack of national projects and the sense of humiliation… — Tarek Osman Copy Share Image
“Khaled Yousef's Hina Maysara a voyeuristic, smash-hit film, produced in 2007, recounts of the story of Cairene slums – such as Imbaba… — Tarek Osman Copy Share Image
“Believing that Egypt's future lay with the Levant, Iraq, Iran and the Arabian peninsula, the easternists sought to establish strong relationships with… — Tarek Osman Copy Share Image
“economic aspect of Islamism penetrated a number of the economy's industrial and service sectors. For example, eight of the twenty richest families… — Tarek Osman Copy Share Image
“Cairo itself was founded under their rule in 969, as was Al-Azhar (whose name is derived from that of Al-Zahraa). The dynasty… — Tarek Osman Copy Share Image
“The story of Ayman Al-Zawahiri (head of Al-Qaeda following Osama bin Laden's killing in May 2011), his transform ation from a successful… — Tarek Osman Copy Share Image
“Egyptian liberalism is typically presented as an odd combination of two arch enemies: monarchical (the liberal, Europe-oriented elite) and Nasserite (Arab nationalist,… — Tarek Osman Copy Share Image
“Nasser's ‘Arabism’ was thus almost unprecedented in Egypt's long history. Nasser did not even invent Arab nationalism as a political identity. The… — Tarek Osman Copy Share Image
“Thousands of prayer rooms (Zawyas) were established in garages and ground-floors in rich and poor neighbourhoods alike. In the mid-1980s there was… — Tarek Osman Copy Share Image
“A number of the coup's leaders, including Nasser, had relationships with the Brotherhood. Some (but not Nasser) actually ‘swore on the Koran… — Tarek Osman Copy Share Image
“Al-Sharaawi's fatwa that ‘humans do not own their bodies’ – and hence his prohibition of organ-transplant operations – was a key factor… — Tarek Osman Copy Share Image
“Their chance came with the 2011 revolution. The group's leaders calculated that the end of Mubarak's reign would create a political void,… — Tarek Osman Copy Share Image
“Brotherhood extended its social reach and infrastructure into a much more developed political platform. In the late 1990s, the traditionally vague Muslim… — Tarek Osman Copy Share Image
“Even the weighty Salafist voices (for example, Mohamed Seleem Al-Awaa,19 Mohamed Al-Ghazali,20 Fahmi Howeidy21 and Gamal Al-Banna22) were sidelined as ‘too intellectual’.” — Tarek Osman Copy Share Image
“Between 1991 and 1993, the militants had virtually taken complete control of Imbaba, replacing the government as the social arbiter. The situation reached a… — Tarek Osman Copy Share Image
“At that time, a grand Arabic project emanating from Cairo had credibility. That is not true today. The relative standing of Egyptians (the country,… — Tarek Osman Copy Share Image
“There was a major demographic boom in Egypt from the 1980s, in which the population almost doubled from around 45 million to 80 million,… — Tarek Osman Copy Share Image
“the factor that really cemented the Brotherhood's social re-emergence, and founded the Islamic movement's social base, was its highly efficient services infrastructure.” — Tarek Osman Copy Share Image
“Luxor attack in 1997 in which Al-Jamaa Al-Islamiya killed fifty-eight tourists and four Egyptians outside a pharaonic temple. In the same year, an ambush… — Tarek Osman Copy Share Image
“Cairo itself was founded under their rule in 969, as was Al-Azhar (whose name is derived from that of Al-Zahraa). The dynasty also inaugurated… — Tarek Osman Copy Share Image
“But the society became characterized by a unique mix of Sunni theology and Shi'ite social traditions. Al-Azhar evolved and consolidated its unique status; and… — Tarek Osman Copy Share Image
“The Alexandria Bourse (the fourth largest worldwide) and the Cairo stock exchange were sizable, international markets. In fact, the story of the Alexandria Bourse… — Tarek Osman Copy Share Image
“In general, the liberal experiment seemed to have failed to put forward a development programme for the country's poor, who continued to constitute more… — Tarek Osman Copy Share Image
