Tarek Osman

“anger sweeping society expressed itself in significantly rising crime rates and everyday violence.26”

— Tarek Osman

“Amr Khaled, the most successful of those young sheikhs,”

— Tarek Osman

“unique mix of Sunni theology and Shi'ite social traditions.”

— Tarek Osman

“(Ibrahim Pasha captured and flattened the Saudis' capital of Diraiyah – now a suburb of Riyadh, arrested the Saudi emir Abdullah Ibn…

— Tarek Osman

“the end of the first decade of the twenty-first century, political Islam in general, and the Muslim Brotherhood in particu lar, believed…

— Tarek Osman

“In general, the liberal experiment seemed to have failed to put forward a development programme for the country's poor, who continued to…

— Tarek Osman

“Nasserite project was increasingly becoming real; something akin to a ‘United Arab World’ could, at the time, be envisaged; it was impossible…

— Tarek Osman

“Sadat, years later, commented that Nasser did not die on 28 September 1970 but on 5 June 1967 (the day the war broke out).”

— Tarek Osman

“With the sole exception of Napoleon's campaign in Egypt, every single invasion the country witnessed in its history had come from the…

— Tarek Osman

“civic, secular, nationalist frame of reference (devoid of any religious underpinnings) would face immense challenges in today's highly religious Egyptian society.”

— Tarek Osman

“Even colloquial Egyptian changed: ‘Good morning’ (‘Naharak Saeed’) and ‘Good evening’ (‘masaa al-kheir’) were replaced by ‘peace be upon you’, Islam's greeting…

— Tarek Osman

“economic aspect of Islamism penetrated a number of the economy's industrial and service sectors. For example, eight of the twenty richest families…

— Tarek Osman

“Believing that Egypt's future lay with the Levant, Iraq, Iran and the Arabian peninsula, the easternists sought to establish strong relationships with…

— Tarek Osman

“Neither Mohamed Ali nor any of his descendants (up to King Fuad, who ascended to the throne in 1917) even spoke classical…

— Tarek Osman

“The combination of the land-reform programme and the creation of the public sector resulted in around 75 per cent of Egypt's gross…

— Tarek Osman

“modernization’ of the 1970s and 1980s, by contrast, unintentionally blended plain Wahhabi Islamism with Western, especially American, popular culture, coexisting in an…

— Tarek Osman

“Al-Sharaawi's fatwa that ‘humans do not own their bodies’ – and hence his prohibition of organ-transplant operations – was a key factor…

— Tarek Osman

“A number of the coup's leaders, including Nasser, had relationships with the Brotherhood. Some (but not Nasser) actually ‘swore on the Koran…

— Tarek Osman

“Thousands of prayer rooms (Zawyas) were established in garages and ground-floors in rich and poor neighbourhoods alike. In the mid-1980s there was…

— Tarek Osman

“Their chance came with the 2011 revolution. The group's leaders calculated that the end of Mubarak's reign would create a political void,…

— Tarek Osman

“But the society became characterized by a unique mix of Sunni theology and Shi'ite social traditions. Al-Azhar evolved and consolidated its unique…

— Tarek Osman

“Some of the key pillars of Nasser's project proved greatly lacking. The public sector evolved into a Soviet-style system of sterile thinking,…

— Tarek Osman

“the Luxor attack (the latter widely reported in the West as a serious indication of a regime unable to assert its control…

— Tarek Osman

“At that time, a grand Arabic project emanating from Cairo had credibility. That is not true today. The relative standing of Egyptians…

— Tarek Osman

“The Brotherhood gambled on the ‘pious wings in the movement’ (the words of Hassan Al-Tuhami, one of the closest members of the…

— Tarek Osman

“The country's literary and intellectual luminaries were marginalized in the same way. Naguib Mahfouz's23 novels were no longer serialized in Al-Ahram. Tawfik…

— Tarek Osman

“Friends, the ancient word is dead; the ancient books are dead; our speech with holes like worn-out shoes is dead; our poems…

— Tarek Osman

“Such criticism grew in the later 1970s, as the immediate post-Nasser years gave way to the period of economic opening up (al-infitah)…

— Tarek Osman

“Al-Zawahiri, the son of an upper middle-class family who had grown up in Al-Maadi, an affluent Cairene suburb, joined the Muslim Brotherhood…

— Tarek Osman

“The hero, the historical giant, the dream, was revealed to be a mere inept leader presiding over a failing system. He trusted…

— Tarek Osman

“vital historical fact: that Gamal Abdel Nasser signifies the only truly Egyptian developmental project in the country's history since the fall of…

— Tarek Osman

“The politics of the 1970s were the second factor in this social shift. In his efforts to confront the Nasserite and socialist…

— Tarek Osman

“Even the weighty Salafist voices (for example, Mohamed Seleem Al-Awaa,19 Mohamed Al-Ghazali,20 Fahmi Howeidy21 and Gamal Al-Banna22) were sidelined as ‘too intellectual’.”

— Tarek Osman

“to the, then, sympathetic Saudi Arabia, where many managed to build vast fortunes. Others settled in Europe, especially in Switzerland, where new…

— Tarek Osman

“regime had handled the military threat successfully.41 But the rise of Islamism as a social force was a different story.”

— Tarek Osman

“he did revive the thinking of two respectable (if rejectionist) Islamic thinkers of mediaeval times, Ibn Hanbal and Ibn Taimiyah, and used…

— Tarek Osman

“the factor that really cemented the Brotherhood's social re-emergence, and founded the Islamic movement's social base, was its highly efficient services infrastructure.”

— Tarek Osman

“But he failed to use that mandate to transform his (and his people's) dreams into lasting institutions; he failed to convert his…

— Tarek Osman

“since ancient times, the people of Egypt have been expert in deceit and treachery’, he said, before recommending a ruthless campaign in…

— Tarek Osman

“Tawfik Al-Hakeem, one of Egypt's most renowned twentieth-century writers, described Nasser as a ‘confused Sultan”

— Tarek Osman